We need a special court to handle corruption cases – Prof Adei

Economist and governance expert, Professor Stephen Adei, has called for the establishment of a special anti-corruption court in Ghana to fast-track corruption cases and ensure accountability.

According to Prof. Adei, corruption cases often take years to resolve, allowing perpetrators to escape justice. He emphasized the importance of separating corruption trials from the regular judicial system, arguing that such a court should operate like land courts or commercial courts to expedite cases.

“We must have special courts, not kangaroo courts, where cases drag on for seven or eight years,” he stated on the KeyPoints on March 8.

Prof. Adei further stressed that effective anti-corruption efforts require a high probability of offenders being caught and punished. He urged authorities to implement strict measures to ensure accountability, regardless of political affiliations.

His call for an anti-corruption court adds to growing demands for judicial reforms to combat corruption in Ghana effectively.

Contributing to the discussion on the same show, the Founding President of IMANI Africa, Franklin Cudjoe called for a change in approach to fighting the canker.

Cudjoe emphasized that while strategies like the Ghana Integrated Financial Management Information System (GIFMIS) and the Financial and Asset Management System for Central Administration Departments (FAMSCAD) have been introduced to curb corruption, their effectiveness remains questionable.

“We have implemented all these control-based systems, yet corruption persists,” he noted.

He pointed out that the core issue lies in the principal-agent problem, where bureaucrats—who often have more information than government officials—exploit gaps in oversight. Procurement fraud, for instance, continues despite the Public Procurement Authority’s (PPA) supposedly strict regulatory measures.

Cudjoe suggested that Ghana must rethink its governance model by adopting a co-creation and transparency-driven approach.

Rather than relying solely on command-and-control financial management, he proposed that ministers and chief directors voluntarily commit to a radical transparency framework.

This would include open data policies, allowing citizens and oversight bodies real-time access to procurement details, performance benchmarks, and financial management records.

He also advocated for a hybrid system of town hall meetings—both virtual and physical—where citizens can track government procurement processes and performance metrics.

This would allow greater public participation and create accountability mechanisms to follow up on missing information.

Drawing from successful governance models in Rwanda and Singapore, Cudjoe recommended that public officials be subjected to biannual performance evaluations.

Under this system, ministers and bureaucrats would be assessed every six months, with outstanding performers publicly recognized by the President and the Minister of Labour.

“Rwanda’s performance contract system has significantly reduced poverty and improved efficiency, while Singapore’s governance reforms helped return a budget surplus and even allowed financial benefits to be distributed to citizens,” he explained.

He believes that Ghana can learn from these models by creating a system where stewardship and ethical transformation take precedence over rigid bureaucratic control.

By shifting the governance focus from compliance-driven control to a performance-incentivized structure, the country can foster greater transparency, accountability, and efficiency.

Cudjoe’s insights highlight an urgent need for innovative governance reforms that emphasize transparency, citizen engagement, and performance-based incentives.

As corruption remains a persistent challenge in Ghana’s public sector, he argues that a fundamental shift in governance philosophy—one that prioritizes ethical leadership and citizen participation—is the best path forward.

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